Could Jo Cox’s death save Britain from catastrophe?

Days out from the Brexit vote that will decide if Britain stays in the EU or goes it alone, the murder of MP Jo Cox seems to be doing what the heads of state, churches and financial institutions had been unable – to galvanise the ‘remain’ vote.

Her death has ignited a new debate over the nature of the campaigning, of the use of xenophobic language and imagery, and of the manipulation of the public with fear campaigns and falsehoods peddled as fact.

Through the first two weeks of June the majority of polls had the ‘leave’ camp ahead in the vote by anywhere between 1% and 10%, but days after Cox’s killing the ‘remain’ campaign had begun to shore up.

Yesterday a Financial Times poll had them neck and neck on 44% with the rest undecided. And a YouGov poll for the Sunday Times had the remain vote edging ahead 44-43.

There have been notable defections too.

Baroness Warsi, the former Conservative party chair who had supported leaving the EU, on Monday switched camps saying: “Are we prepared to tell lies, to spread hate and xenophobia just to win a campaign? For me that’s a step too far.”

Her decision was motivated in part by the attack on Cox but also by a UKIP billboard campaign suggesting hordes of Syrian refugees are waiting to descend on the country’s borders – imagery likened to anti-Semitic Nazi propaganda from the 1930s.

The choice between staying one of the three big players in Europe or dropping out and into an uncertain future of rewriting laws, trade agreements and regulatory barriers, will have the biggest single impact on the country, since it joined the Common Market in 1973.

And while the last referendum on membership in 1975 had yielded a clear 67% majority in favour, this campaign has been very different.

Marked on both sides by hysterical language and sniping, by misinformation and jingoism, it has left the Tory government of David Cameron floundering at the real possibility the British public will on June 23 vote to exit the European Union.

The benefits of remaining in the EU are clear, unequivocal and documented. The challenges of now going it alone and of reversing decades of infrastructure would be immense and are impossible to properly quantify.

But the ‘leave’ camp has succeeded in turning a complex, and to many people inscrutable, debate into a straightforward dichotomy –  us or them?

It’s a choice that embodies every unfounded prejudice and fear: Britain or Brussels? Refugees or jobs? Control or imposition? Safety or crime?

But by taking such a black and white view the campaign to exit the EU, led by UKIP’s Nigel Farage and the former Conservative Mayor of London Boris Johnson, has also copped the brunt of outrage at the killing of Cox.

The gunning down of the 41-year-old mother of two outside her constituency surgery last Thursday, by  a man who later declared in court ‘Death to all traitors’, was a wake-up call to a lot of previously disengaged voters.

Cox, a moralistic, straight-speaking Northerner, who spoke out for refugees, and whose liberalism chimed with many young people, was an innocent caught in the crossfire. An example of modern, inclusive Britain extinguished by a reactionary, nationalist presence that belonged to a different age.

‘Is this what we can expect?’ seemed to be the subtext of the stunned outpouring of revulsion at the crime.

Britain has a rich history of standing for freedom and equality, from London being one of the first safe havens of escaped slaves to the working class rioters who effectively snuffed out Oswald Mosley’s fascist black shirt movement at the 1936 Battle of Cable Street.

The appeal of a nostalgic Little Britain of bobbies on the corner, saccharine Enid Blyton adventures and explorers claiming new records, remains imbued in the consciousness of older generations of Brits. But while that idyll is equated by some with the leave campaign, its foundation is built on the values of fairness and doing right.

It would be simplistic and wrong to say the shooting of Cox is the only reason for a turnaround in the fortunes of the ‘remain’ campaign. It isn’t. The economy has always been and will remain the chief driver in the debate.

But in a campaign characterised by lowest common denominator attacks, this tragedy cut through the rhetoric to a deeper understanding of what type of place Britain is and should always aspire to be.

It is a terrible thing to have to find good amidst hurt and defeat – to console oneself with silver linings – but the sacrifice of Jo Cox may yet save Britain from an even more far-reaching tragedy.

Sex, lies & politics: The Peta Credlin – Tony Abbott ‘affair’

So were Tony Abbott and Peta Credlin at it?

The evidence ranged against them, one or two perceived moments of tenderness mostly not associated with a work relationship, a head rested on a shoulder, protective outbursts from the PM.

The rumour mills were so over-extended NSW Liberal MP Concetta Fierravanti-Wells felt the need to deliver an ultimatum to Abbott to deal with it.

“Politics is about perceptions,” she told him bluntly.

But should perceptions be enough to cost someone their job? And once it’s ‘out’ must the rumour-mongers be sated.

The question of sacking the Prime Minister’s chief of staff is a moot point now of course, but the ongoing damage to her career legacy is very much alive.

In the final days of the Abbott government, in the lead-up to that last brutal push to unseat him, it was not Abbott who was the target of the plotters.

He’d been given a walloping in the previous failed coup over the knighthood awarded to Prince Philip, weathered it and came back with an improved poll standing.

But when laying the groundwork for another go, it was Credlin who was identified as both the easier mark and the most effective means of undermining the PM.

She had directed his career from, at times, abject ineptitude in opposition to a decisive, commanding, if no-less controversial, presence in politics. He needed her there to govern.

The attacks on Credlin were almost nonsensical – an insult to the public intellect.

She was accused of having “too-high a profile” and the prime minister’s refusal to sack her for it was painted as being blinkered and an indication of internal rot.

Credlin was Abbott’s perceived Achilles heel –hurting her would leave him weaker.

Stubbornly, loyally he stuck by her. “Do you really think my chief of staff would be under this kind of criticism if her name was Peter?” he asked.

It was a good point.

In the UK, the close relationship between Tony Blair and his bullying mouthpiece Alastair Campbell didn’t produce calls for him to resign or be sacked. They too had a cosily iron grip on the agenda that left even the Treasurer on the outer. But Campbell was regarded as too dangerous to take on – a formidably strong lieutenant to the PM.

Credlin’s was a different story – she was a woman.

A seasoned political backroom operator she’d built a reputation in the Howard government as an astute strategist working for a number of MPs, then in opposition as top aide to Liberal leaders Brendan Nelson, Malcolm Turnbull and Abbott.

She had paid her dues many times over, and yet there have been fewer more transparent or malicious whispering campaigns carried out in politics than that on Credlin during the short reign of Tony Abbott.

The rumours about the pair had been the subject of gossip throughout politics and the media, but had never been aired publically until this week.

Privately Credlin was painted as a Delilah figure. She had her hooks in him, siren-like, fouling his judgment and poisoning his leadership.

I use that biblical comparison because the narrative of the scheming, manipulative women has been around for thousands of years. And it is routinely trotted out when critics can’t make conventional headway. See The Tragedy of Othello, Shakespeare knew it too.

In Australia we saw it with the jibes at Julia Gillard’s husband’s sexuality, and by association her own.

There is no question Credlin came to be widely disliked within the party and the control she exerted over the PM’s diary became a sticking point for many.

But the malignant undermining, the creeping, unsubstantiated sniggering at the morals of the government, went beyond all professional criticism.

I doubt there was any affair. This is politics and she was solely a means to get at Abbott.